There is no doubt that if the issue is Mafia in Italy, broadly, culture falls within the notion of Mafia phenomenon since Mafia's power has mainly based on the intersection of the culture with its history, politics, and social life in Italy. Sicilian Cosa Nostra (Our Thing), Calabrian ‘Ndrangheta (Society of the Men of Honour), Neopolitan Camorra and Apulian Sacra Corona Unita (United Secret Crown), they all have become more powerful and invincible because of deeply rooted cultural, political, economic and social statuquo under the domination of the Mafiosi which have been protected by its social networks. Even though some preventive measurements have already been held by the state and some fruitful results have been attained, the mafia syndicates somehow managed to survive. The significant question appears in that point which also indicates the reasons of failure in the eradication of the Mafia from the country completely; the production of cultural resistance against the ‘other culture' from which Mafia emerged and progressed can be a significant resource so as to erase the Mafia associations from the country permanently? This dissertation aims to bring the resistance against the Mafia to the fore so as to fill this lamentable lacuna by analyzing the works of the civil society and their fight against the Mafia through utilizing criminological, sociological and anthropological methods. Unsurprisingly, the state conception is the key and direct factor as a natural outcome of the crime prevention policies. But, more importantly, the role of the civil society, local people, non-governmental organizations and trade unions, as being the most vulnerable victims of the Mafia, have been neglected policy stakeholders in the creation of new culture culture of lawfulness- till the last two decades. In this regard, there is not so much insight to attain a structural and clear perspective about the role and future risks and opportunities of the civil society in the combat against the Mafia. In this context, this thesis hopefully aims to fill a void in the field of combating Italian Mafia through taking in account the role of the civil society. Besides, this study moves from the spectrum of cultural sociology as a departure point of view and revisists the arena of social movements as being the crucial instrument for the creation of a new culture by the civil society. Thereby, this dissertation concludes that the story of the civil society in the fight against the Mafia is the fight of two different cultures; the Mafia created convenient atmosphere for subordination of the local people by applying violence, improving desultory atmosphere for market competition, entering any legal, half legal or illegal enterprise and seizing any opportunity to increase their profits. By contrast, cultural perspective of the civil society grounds on the civic action movement against the cultural hegemony of the former one so this new cultural deterrence targets to improve a new culture comprising lawfulness, solidarity, transparency and democratic quality in the long run. Therefore, the main research question emerges from the clashes of these two cultural representatives of the Mafia and civil society and the reflection of this struggle on the government which is about the role of the civil society in the fight against the Mafia in Italy and how do/can they shape the state policies in dealing with the risks posed by the Mafia to the social, political and human security of the country. This dissertation argues that the role of NGOs, which are working on the strategies against the Mafia, in shaping of policy responses on the Italian government to the risks posed by Mafia groups, is identical but not substantial up to now because though each NGOs have identical objects and aims, that is difficult to observe that they have sufficient power to make necessary pressure on the government. Moreover, the same challenge is valid to transform their mobilization from small social movement structures to a mass movement to lead a radical social change. However, the main contention of the dissertation argues that underestimation of the role of the civil society in the fight against the Mafia should be the last thing to be done. Accordingly, it was found that NGOs, civil society, have the potential to create solutions but the governments are reluctant to demonstrate such cooperation. In doing so, the governments retain power which enjoy implementing top-down policies rather than bottom-up. Therefore, it tends to neglect the role of NGOs unless civil society has the potential to make major changes that can determine the policies of the ruling parties. Finally, this dissertation suggests that the most significant and effective policy to fight against the Mafia is resolving its strong social networks through the cooperation of the state and non-state forces. More to the point, such cooperation ought to be structured by bottom-up policies and a unification/council, which can be established and protected by legal statuaries, should be supported by consistent efforts of the state and non-state forces. Last but not least, Italy remains to be a role model for other countries where Mafia flourishes thanks to the civic resistance of the Italian civil society. Their unabated struggle is the harbinger of the Mafia's defeat in the long run while serving to the needs of their ideals, creating bottom-up democracy and flourishing culture of lawfulness at the same time.
Italian civil society against the Mafia: policies, perceptions and anti-mafia movement analysis
CAYLI, BARIS
2012-06-06
Abstract
There is no doubt that if the issue is Mafia in Italy, broadly, culture falls within the notion of Mafia phenomenon since Mafia's power has mainly based on the intersection of the culture with its history, politics, and social life in Italy. Sicilian Cosa Nostra (Our Thing), Calabrian ‘Ndrangheta (Society of the Men of Honour), Neopolitan Camorra and Apulian Sacra Corona Unita (United Secret Crown), they all have become more powerful and invincible because of deeply rooted cultural, political, economic and social statuquo under the domination of the Mafiosi which have been protected by its social networks. Even though some preventive measurements have already been held by the state and some fruitful results have been attained, the mafia syndicates somehow managed to survive. The significant question appears in that point which also indicates the reasons of failure in the eradication of the Mafia from the country completely; the production of cultural resistance against the ‘other culture' from which Mafia emerged and progressed can be a significant resource so as to erase the Mafia associations from the country permanently? This dissertation aims to bring the resistance against the Mafia to the fore so as to fill this lamentable lacuna by analyzing the works of the civil society and their fight against the Mafia through utilizing criminological, sociological and anthropological methods. Unsurprisingly, the state conception is the key and direct factor as a natural outcome of the crime prevention policies. But, more importantly, the role of the civil society, local people, non-governmental organizations and trade unions, as being the most vulnerable victims of the Mafia, have been neglected policy stakeholders in the creation of new culture culture of lawfulness- till the last two decades. In this regard, there is not so much insight to attain a structural and clear perspective about the role and future risks and opportunities of the civil society in the combat against the Mafia. In this context, this thesis hopefully aims to fill a void in the field of combating Italian Mafia through taking in account the role of the civil society. Besides, this study moves from the spectrum of cultural sociology as a departure point of view and revisists the arena of social movements as being the crucial instrument for the creation of a new culture by the civil society. Thereby, this dissertation concludes that the story of the civil society in the fight against the Mafia is the fight of two different cultures; the Mafia created convenient atmosphere for subordination of the local people by applying violence, improving desultory atmosphere for market competition, entering any legal, half legal or illegal enterprise and seizing any opportunity to increase their profits. By contrast, cultural perspective of the civil society grounds on the civic action movement against the cultural hegemony of the former one so this new cultural deterrence targets to improve a new culture comprising lawfulness, solidarity, transparency and democratic quality in the long run. Therefore, the main research question emerges from the clashes of these two cultural representatives of the Mafia and civil society and the reflection of this struggle on the government which is about the role of the civil society in the fight against the Mafia in Italy and how do/can they shape the state policies in dealing with the risks posed by the Mafia to the social, political and human security of the country. This dissertation argues that the role of NGOs, which are working on the strategies against the Mafia, in shaping of policy responses on the Italian government to the risks posed by Mafia groups, is identical but not substantial up to now because though each NGOs have identical objects and aims, that is difficult to observe that they have sufficient power to make necessary pressure on the government. Moreover, the same challenge is valid to transform their mobilization from small social movement structures to a mass movement to lead a radical social change. However, the main contention of the dissertation argues that underestimation of the role of the civil society in the fight against the Mafia should be the last thing to be done. Accordingly, it was found that NGOs, civil society, have the potential to create solutions but the governments are reluctant to demonstrate such cooperation. In doing so, the governments retain power which enjoy implementing top-down policies rather than bottom-up. Therefore, it tends to neglect the role of NGOs unless civil society has the potential to make major changes that can determine the policies of the ruling parties. Finally, this dissertation suggests that the most significant and effective policy to fight against the Mafia is resolving its strong social networks through the cooperation of the state and non-state forces. More to the point, such cooperation ought to be structured by bottom-up policies and a unification/council, which can be established and protected by legal statuaries, should be supported by consistent efforts of the state and non-state forces. Last but not least, Italy remains to be a role model for other countries where Mafia flourishes thanks to the civic resistance of the Italian civil society. Their unabated struggle is the harbinger of the Mafia's defeat in the long run while serving to the needs of their ideals, creating bottom-up democracy and flourishing culture of lawfulness at the same time.I documenti in IRIS sono protetti da copyright e tutti i diritti sono riservati, salvo diversa indicazione.